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𝗠𝗞𝗛𝗔𝗡𝗔𝗡𝗭𝗜 𝗜𝗦 𝗔𝗡𝗧𝗜-𝗕𝗟𝗔𝗖𝗞 𝗔𝗡𝗗 𝗧𝗛𝗜𝗦 𝗜𝗦 𝗔 𝗟𝗜𝗔𝗕𝗜𝗟𝗜𝗧𝗬

  • Writer: rutendo matinyarare
    rutendo matinyarare
  • 5 days ago
  • 3 min read

Many like General Nhlanhla Mkhananzi because he is shooting criminals in KZN, but there are some very problematic red flags about him.


In one of his statements on the 14th of August, 2024, he said that South Africa has a “black man problem,” insinuating that crime in South Africa is perpetuated by blacks—in a country where whites are amassing massive arms illegally to fuel gang and drug violence, and in preparation for war against blacks.


Today, in his press conference, he went on to say that he is working with private security companies to fight crime, I assume in Durban.


This opens the door to the first problem. We all know that over 51% of private security companies in South Africa are owned and controlled by foreign private army groups like G4S, Fidelity, and some groups linked to former Israeli soldiers. The bulk of the remainder belong to right-wing Indians and former apartheid soldiers, police, and intelligence operatives—who created these private companies as private armies against blacks when they decide to rise to take back their land and transform the economy.


It’s an open secret that many of these security companies abuse and mistreat black people in white suburbs, asking for IDs in a manner reminiscent of the apartheid dom pass era.


More concerning, they have sophisticated and often illegal technology to surveil, track, tap calls, and geo-locate people—and this technology is being used to spy on and sabotage the South African government.


Additionally, these foreign western security companies, in terms of both small arms and technology, outgun both the South African Police and SANDF—institutions that apartheid-era right-wingers are also destroying from within.


It’s a known fact that in Durban, some of these racist security companies were involved in the massacre of black people in Phoenix and Pietermaritzburg, and Mkhananzi has not had much success in bringing these racist murderers to book—yet he brags about working with them.


Many know that these security companies themselves are military operations for gangs and drug kingpins. It has also been said that many of them serve as hitmen in gang and taxi wars. So, on what basis is the General working with militias and warlords as a police chief?


Is the General just incompetent—that he does not see the threat of relying on foreign private armies, former apartheid operatives, and gangland warlords to police black South Africa? Or is he working for the same National Defence Council of the apartheid government that convened a meeting at Carlton Centre in 1981, encouraging white companies to create private security armies that would use force to neutralize black South African resistance—just as private companies defended white property against black protestors in July 2021?


The last issue of concern about Mkhananzi is the consistent killing of suspects by his officers in KZN. Yes, we understand that South Africa has violent crime and criminals often fire at police, and police are forced to engage. The problem, though, is that KZN police shootings have now become an outlier in the country. Yet, in the Western Cape—with its white and coloured officers—fewer suspects are killed. The Eastern Cape, which has the second highest murder rate in South Africa, also has fewer police killings. So why is Mkhananzi killing suspects instead of apprehending them for trial in KZN?


And now, allegations are surfacing that he is using this extrajudicial power to take sides in disputes among gangsters, mine owners, and capital interests.


I’m not sure what kind of people Mkhananzi trained with in the SAPS Special Task Force, but I pick up a very apartheid-era, anti-black approach in Mkhananzi—and this should be a red flag.

Yes, his stance on drugs and syndicates is valid. But his desire to fight drugs with foreign and local private armies that are hostile to black interests is very concerning.


 
 
 

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